所以在深层次上，本书所提到的积极参与者大都是执政精英阶层的成员。因为非精英人群是“真正的亚洲”，所以他们应该被给予更高的优先权，这种观点是合理的。但从历史的角度考虑，“亚洲价值观”争论的合理必要特点是政治精英一致被关注。“亚洲价值观”争论与生俱来地在精英层面上进行。我们讨论“亚洲价值观” 争论所涉及或影响到的宗教信仰，将会试图让人至少能理解更广阔更深层次的文化需要（统治者和被统治者都运转其中），来有意识地绕开执政精英。
注释
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6.Ling and Shih."Confucianism with a Liberal Face"，pp.75-76.
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8.Interview with Lee Hoi Chang.Far Eastern Economic Review，18 May，2000.
9.Chung Oknim."Values，governance，and international relations：the case of South Korea"，p.78.(www.xing528.com)
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14.Takeo Doi.The Anatomy of Dependence，Tokyo，New York，London：Kodansha International，1981.
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17.Far Eastern Economic Review.29 June，2000.The exception to these generalisations are North Korea，Vietnam，and Singapore.
18.Far Eastern Economic Review.29 June，2000.The exception to these generalisations are North Korea，Vietnam，and Singapore.26 July，2001.
19.Alatas，A."ASEAN Plus Three"Equals Peace Plus Prosperity，Singapore：Institute of Southeast Asian Studies，2001，p.7.
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