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马哈蒂尔关于新殖民主义探索的观点:类阴谋论

时间:2023-07-21 理论教育 版权反馈
【摘要】:有趣的是,《挑战》也为马哈蒂尔关于西方对发展中国家持续不断地进行新殖民主义探索的“类阴谋论”埋下了伏笔。65马哈蒂尔关于东西经济关系的新殖民主义本质理论在《挑战》出版6年后,使他当上首相时立即成了先锋式政治人物。马哈蒂尔回应道,如果一个公司“供认竞购,那么任何人都能参与竞购,无论是马来西亚人还是英国人”,并指责英国仍有“殖民主义心态”67。

马哈蒂尔关于新殖民主义探索的观点:类阴谋论

有趣的是,《挑战》(1976)也为马哈蒂尔关于西方对发展中国家持续不断地进行新殖民主义探索的“类阴谋论”埋下了伏笔。他警告说西方有意识地促使亚洲工人形成组织,并且煽动他们以要求涨工资的方式尝试降低或抬高发展中国家的工业生产成本。631995年他在东京又重复了这样的指责。64他甚至认为在前殖民地强加民主政府是让西方让他们的经济对手变得脆弱、不稳定并无效率的策略,这一主张着实让我们兜了好大的圈子才能理解他的想法。65

马哈蒂尔关于东西经济关系的新殖民主义本质理论在《挑战》出版6年后,使他当上首相时立即成了先锋式政治人物。他的首要行动之一就是主持政府赞助的格斯里种植公司(马来西亚的旧时英系的种植公司)投标的收购工作。收购由合法且政府所有的投资代理依照常规的伦敦证券交易准则执行,但很明显是因马哈蒂尔而闻名的经济国有化的操练。英国也不示弱,谴责整个接管过程其实是“国有化”66,并改变了证券交易的规则以保护英国公司以后免受外国的收购。伊恩·科茨是格思里种植公司的行政董事,他认为这次收购“绝对是不光彩的”。马哈蒂尔回应道,如果一个公司“供认竞购,那么任何人都能参与竞购,无论是马来西亚人还是英国人”(在20年后的全球化时代看似无可争辩),并指责英国仍有“殖民主义心态”67。之后,他通过实施“最后购买英国货”战略逐步加深了争论,以此引发了官方实施的反对购买英国货运动68“最后购买英国货”战略是平民主义对国际政治公然冒犯的回应,但它体现出马哈蒂尔更深的反殖民、反西方冲动,并塑造了他的首相职务特征,这一举动促成了他在1997年的对马来西亚的货币管制。

马哈蒂尔否认他在攻击全球化和货币投机的过程中推进了诸如阴谋论等事物的发展。更确切地说,他宣称西方以强国身份出发,推行一切能保持西方的财富和国际影响力的原则。所以,当富裕的西方需要自由贸易时,它坚持自由贸易;当它需要保护时,它就强加经济保护措施;当华尔街的投资者想从货币投机获利时,它让国际金融市场自由化。69但他的经济世界观的本质是对被剥削的发展中国家和富裕强势的发达国家的明显分歧的认识。马哈蒂尔在货币危机方面主张的最重要特点之一是他能第一本能地识别出西方的政治阴谋的行为:他指责乔治·索罗斯精心安排东南亚的货币崩溃,目的不仅仅是获得利润,还“对泰国和马来西亚施加压力来防止缅甸加入东南亚国家联盟”。70

马哈蒂尔对“亚洲价值观”的看法跟李光耀一样是他独有的,只是在某种程度上能够被推广成广义的“亚洲价值观”争论。这一限制突显了这个术语只能被用于限定意义的特点:“亚洲价值观”争论不是单一命题,而是一些观点和相关争论的综合体。其中有一些观点是相互矛盾的,但它们都是出于对“西方”直觉上的不信任。李光耀和马哈蒂尔有他们各自的历史并导致他们以一种抗争精神面对“西方”和西方的价值观及道德观。然而即便他们有所不同,他们各自看法的形成和结果比起不同点,相同点更多,而且几乎提供了与第二章确立的广义的亚太主张有形的联系。李光耀和马哈蒂尔政见的发展是多渠道的,是殖民后亚太国家对西方的看法的缩影,这个看法远远超出了“亚洲价值观”的宗教政治。这个看法有三个主要特性:对西方过去和现在的罪孽普遍的憎恶;拒绝西方个人主义和放任;直到20世纪90年代末期的金融危机前对社会经济和政治事件的盲目自信,其中包括重视发展成就多过民主理论的经验主义。但即使有这些推动力,“亚洲价值观”争论的直接原因仍要追溯到20世纪90年代初期(始于1989年)。

注释

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